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PENSIONERS AND THEIR ENTITLEMENTS

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MONDAY EDITORIAL

PenCom should apply stricter measures in enforcing compliance with the provisions of the act

A major attraction in public service, despite its poor remuneration package, is the benefit of receiving pension after retirement. But over the years, the failure of government to meet the pension expectations of retirees has shattered the plans of many aside inducing economic trauma, which in some cases have led to fatalities. Indeed, many senior citizens who have no other sources of income after service had collapsed and died while on queues waiting for their pensions.

 The situation with pensioners in most of the 36 states is particularly pathetic. A few weeks ago, hundreds of pensioners in Nasarawa trooped into the streets of Lafia, the state capital, to express their frustrations to the governor. Spokesman of the protesters, Alhaji Usman Ibrahim said the increasing number of deaths and sudden illnesses among members in the last two months was worrisome. According to him, “200 pensioners have died as a result of poverty, some of them are lying critically ill in the hospital unable to afford medications. Our members now depend on alms.”

The Pension Reforms Act of 2004 was designed to address the failures of the old scheme—the defined benefit scheme (DBS). In its place, the contributory pension scheme (CPS) was introduced wherein both the government and the workers themselves are to save up a given amount of their earnings towards building up an accumulated funds reserve which the worker can fall back on after retirement.  It is noteworthy that the National Pension Commission (PenCom) has not only helped to grow the funds but has been very prudent in its management.

However, there are still issues that are yet to be resolved by the government regarding many retired civil servants. From the Federal Inland Revenue Service to security and customs personnel, staff of Nigeria Prisons Service, Nigeria Immigration Service to those of local government, the authorities offer little or no comfort. It is even more painful that the monthly stipend doled out to many of the aged and frail -looking men and women is about N2000 each, an amount that could hardly transport them back to their homes.

Complications in meeting up with the pension obligations had arisen fundamentally by the failure to link those in the old scheme (DBS) with those in the new scheme (CPS). But even after it seems to have been done, the federal and many state governments have failed severally in remitting deducted sums from workers’ salaries to the PFAs. The result is that neither government contribution nor workers’ deducted sums are credited to the accounts of the workers with the PFAs. This malaise is even more prevalent in the private sector where many companies do not remit their counterpart deductions to the PFAs as required by the Pension Act.

The provisions of the act had demanded that the government issues bonds in favour of retired workers, which will be redeemed to the PFAs who will credit same to the accounts of the individual staff. Therefore, the non-remittance of the deductions of staff is a clear breach of the provisions of the Pension Reforms Act and that perhaps explains why pension liabilities in the country today run into hundreds of billions of naira.

While we urge the federal and state governments to keep faith with their obligations to pensioners, we also call on the pension sector regulator, PenCom, to apply stricter measures in enforcing compliance with the provisions of the pension reforms act by the PFAs. It is only fair and just to allow pension to sooth the nerves of retired persons, especially after they have been faithful in making appropriate contributions to the scheme while in active service.

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THE LEGISLATIVE PRESIDING OFFICERS

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Legislators should strive to follow due process
Although there are procedures for removing the Senate President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives as well as Speakers in the 36 States Houses of Assembly, we have in the past 19 years witnessed several impeachments that neither conformed with the rules set by the members themselves nor with the provisions of the 1999 Constitution.

Resuming from a two-month recess last week, the Kano State House of Assembly removed its speaker and replaced him with a former speaker while his deputy was also replaced by a former deputy speaker. A week earlier, the Speaker of the Plateau State House of Assembly had been similarly removed in what has become a game of musical chairs. This year alone, no fewer than 10 speakers and deputy speakers have lost their jobs, most of them without due process.

More often than not, at the bottom of the impeachments saga is the cynical attempt to control the legislature by the executive. Unfortunately, the immediate consequence of this interminable bickering in the legislative houses is its toll on the quality of debate and legislation for good governance in our country, aside the fact that the people are denied quality and effective representation.

With very little excuse and sometimes for pecuniary reasons, legislators at both the federal level and in the states have no qualms about impeaching their presiding officers. But the more worrisome aspect is the disruptive interference of the executive and that is why we implore the presidency and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to allow the National Assembly members to decide who preside over their affairs in the wake of recent defections from the ruling party to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Behind most of the impeachments is the overbearing disposition of the executive either at the federal level or in the states with the sole aim of emasculating the legislative arm of government in a bid to assume total control without any form of accountability. Although this is more prevalent in the states, we have also seen that at the federal level. During President Olusegun Obasanjo’s tenure between 1999 and 2007, for instance, the National Assembly recorded a high turnover of presiding officers as the third most powerful office in the land became a revolving door, producing in its wake a total of five senate presidents.

Under the prevailing situation, the APC has made its position clear that it would not tolerate a member of the opposition presiding at the Senate, asking Dr Bukola Saraki to quit as Senate President. But the premise on which the party bases its argument is faulty against the background of the precedent it set four years ago. At that period, then Speaker of the House of Representatives and current Sokoto State Governor, Aminu Tambuwal, led many members from the then ruling PDP to the opposition. He kept his seat because the party could not muster the required number to remove him. While it is therefore understandable that the APC would want the seat of presiding officer in the Senate, we urge the party not to resort to extra-judicial means in the process.

It is noteworthy that neither the senate president nor the speakers (at federal and the states) have absolute powers of their own. They remain “executive heads” of the legislative branch by virtue of being elected by their peers; in other words, they are first among equals. That also presupposes that they are at the mercy of their colleagues at all times and in all circumstances. While we therefore have no problem with APC members in the Senate who may want Saraki to vacate his seat, having crossed over to the PDP, any attempt to use the security agencies to achieve a predetermined end will not augur well for our democracy.

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THE INVASION OF SOKOTO AIRPORT RUNWAY

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The authorities should ensure that the airports are safe and secure

In yet another disgraceful breach of security to score cheap political point, loyalists and supporters of the former governor of Sokoto State, Aliyu Wamakko last Friday invaded the restricted area and the runway of the Sultan Abubakar 111 International Airport, Sokoto. Video evidence now in circulation reveals that the safety of aircraft that brought Wamakko, currently a senator representing Sokoto North, was also threatened as the pilot of the flight had to take protective measures by not landing at the apron of the airport which was already crowded by supporters.

Immediately the aircraft landed, supporters of the politician, including hundreds on motorbike riders had already forced their way into the runway, speeding freely towards the aircraft that was taxing to the tarmac. More troubling is that Wamakko’s supporters were allowed the security breach for his homecoming by the ruling All Progressive Congress (APC) to which he belongs, following the defection from the party to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) by Governor Aminu Tambuwal.

This is condemnable as it reveals the extent that the security agencies in the country have been compromised by political partisanship. This is not the first time political supporters have invaded the airside of the airports in Nigeria. During the last administration of President Goodluck Jonathan, supporters of the present governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike and that of his political rival, the current Minister of Transportation, Chibuike Amaechi had on several occasions invaded the airside of the Port Harcourt International Airport, Omagwa during the build-up to the 2015 election.

From the easy access of the political supporters to the airside of the Sokoto airport, it is obvious that the facility is not fully protected. Yet after the September 11 attacks in 2001 in the United States of America, it became the standard of the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) that every airport should have both security and perimeter fences. What any easy access of unwanted persons to the restricted areas of the airport indicates is that such airports are not secure and are exposed to breaches which could be dangerous for passengers.

We are aware that the Sokoto airport has some peculiarities that make it susceptible to such invasion. That explains why Wamakko’s supporters could easily push down part of the fence to gain entry to the airside of the airport despite the presence of about 30 security personnel from the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) and Aviation Security (AVSEC). But this penchant to invade airports by political supporters has become a national security problem which must be tackled decisively in order to avert possible disaster in future.

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ASHOLA VERSUS ELECTRICITY DISCOS

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All the stakeholders should work towards resolving the power problem

After several months of giving excuses on behalf of the 11 electricity distribution companies (Discos), the Minister of Power, Works and Housing, Mr. Babatunde Fashola, last week practically called them out over inability to live up to expectations, particularly with reference to metering the consumers under their networks as well as their reported unwillingness to receive electricity from the generating companies. But in the fight between Fashola and the Discos, what concerns Nigerians is not the abuses or exchange of angry words between both parties but rather electricity service delivery which unfortunately is still notoriously very poor.

While we accept that sound economic developments do not happen overnight, we must also state that Nigerians anticipated better outcomes than what they are seeing today five years after the privatisation of the sector. Based on the letters of the agreements the government signed with the Discos in 2013 before they took over, and the efficiency levels of the assets now in their fifth year of operation, we are convinced that there is still a lot more to be done to get anywhere near efficient electricity service delivery, and that both parties have nonetheless failed in their responsibilities to the Nigerian people.

The Discos claim that the federal government has continued to frustrate their operations with politically-motivated policies. They allege being forced to operate without cost-reflective tariff for more than three years; railroaded to accepting in their balance sheets certain legacy debts (gas debt) carried over from the defunct PHCN days as against the government offsetting them and most importantly, that the industry regulator is more an appendage of the Power Ministry with little or no say in how the sector should run.

However, we may need to remind Fashola and the Discos that the real fight they should be getting into now should be in the operational fields so they can find solutions to the many problems that afflict the sector which are manmade and solvable. Asking the Discos to quit, as Fashola publicly did, will not resolve the problems, neither will the threat by the Discos to return the assets to the government. What will most likely solve the problem is collaboration.

Unfortunately, both parties have largely been combative in their relationship. They need to accept wholeheartedly that the challenges of the sector are not just the responsibility of one party and that the earlier they get down to work on credible solutions to them, the better for Nigeria. They also need to understand that asking just one party to consistently bend backwards will not work as everybody must be willing and able to make sacrifices for the good of all.

We want an end to this seemingly unending brickbat in the sector, and would like to see all parties being alert to their jobs – the NERC becoming independent in all its roles in the sector; the government taking its own share of obligations to the sector; the Discos meeting all the service level agreements they signed up to in the sector; and of course the Gencos producing power for the TCN to transmit to the Discos for use by Nigerians. Until these happen, there will continue to be crisis in the sector to the detriment of the people.

Finally, based on existing operational status report of the sector where the government has claimed the Discos owe the Nigerian Bulk Electricity Trading Plc (NBET) over N500 billion and the Discos in turn alleging the tariff gap which is the gap in excess of N1.3 trillion, we will like to remind all parties that this sector is already on the brink hence there is an urgent need to save it from imminent collapse.

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DOING BUSINESS WITH TEARS

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There is still much more to do to ease the business climate

Going by the ‘2018 Investment Climate’ report by the United States’ Bureau of Economic and Business Affairs, corruption and inconsistent regulations are not only still pervasive in Nigeria, they serve as impediments to business investment. The report further reveals that the country’s market potential remains unrealised due to poor judicial system, inconsistent regulations, insecurity and lack of transparent tender processes culminating in investors finding the environment difficult to do business.

It is disturbing that such an unsavoury report is coming when the present administration claims that its policies, especially those targeted at improving the business environment, are yielding huge dividends. It is instructive that government’s Executive Orders One, Two and Three are primarily designed to make the business environment more friendly but questions remain about their impact. Beyond the recent World Bank Ease of Doing Business Report, which affirmed that Nigeria moved from 169th to145th position, 24 positions better than the 2017 ranking, are the daily realities enough pointer that the business environment has improved?

Even before the report, proofs abound that not a few public officers who are supposed to ensure a seamless implementation of government policies with a view to improving the business environment in the country at all levels are mired in corruption and sundry abuses. The contracting systems in government and oil and gas sectors leave much to be desired. Bribes are freely given and taken to get permits and licences, move files, get bails, and drive without molestation from police, among others. In a damning report last year, the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) said that about N400 billion was spent on bribes annually in Nigeria.

In its ‘Corruption in Nigeria, Bribery: Public Experience and Response (2017 Survey)’, the bureau claimed that this was a rough estimate of bribes paid to public officials in Nigeria. The survey was conducted as part of a technical assistance project on corruption which was funded by the European Union (Support to Anti-Corruption in Nigeria) and implemented by the NBS, in partnership with UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). The NBS research confirmed that corruption is getting worse as against the public belief that the current administration has succeeded in largely reining in that major threat to governance in the country.

According to that report, the police and the judiciary won the gold and silver medals in the corruption scale in the country. The situation has not changed since then. The country has not fared better in the annual ratings by Transparency International (TI). Although graft is not the only impediment to a good investment climate, it is a major inhibiting factor, and fuels the lack of transparency alluded to in the US State Department report. Meanwhile, the report also pointed to inadequate power and transportation infrastructure, high energy costs, an inconsistent regulatory and legal environment, insecurity, a slow and ineffective bureaucracy and judicial system and inadequate intellectual property rights protections and enforcement, among others.

These are obvious encumbrances to a good business climate, and it bears no repeating that they have made doing business in this clime a most harrowing experience. These factors have not only led to the forced exit of many companies and businesses from Nigeria, but have torpedoed the emergence and stunted the growth of many. As the largest economy in the West African sub-region, it is in our economic interest to take the report as another wake-up call. What is required is the will to pursue these smart and business-friendly reforms.

All factors considered therefore, there is need for the current administration to do much more if we must reposition our economy and put our people to work.

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The Invasion of National Assembly

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Nigerians expect a higher commitment to the rule of law and respect for the critical institutions of state

There is an urgent need to rise above mundane blame games and narrow political stone throwing in reviewing the implications of last Tuesday’s invasion of the National Assembly premises by masked men from the Directorate of State Services (DSS). This incident raises fundamental questions not only about the future of democracy in Nigeria but also about the integrity of national security institutions. For us, therefore, the key question is: how and when does a democracy slide into autocracy?

The sight of hooded gunmen in the National Assembly is a novelty almost approximating the late General Sani Abacha’s goons in trench coats, except that those ones never pretended to be acting on behalf of an elected sovereign. The dark motives of this misadventure and its treasonous implications should not be lost on those who place premium on democracy anchored on the rule of law and the sanctity of institutions. Whatever the excesses or missteps of the senators and members of the House of Representatives or their presiding officers, the hallowed precinct of the National Assembly remains an embodiment of the will of all Nigerians who elected them.

What is particularly disturbing is that from all indications, what happened on Tuesday was no mere mistake. It seems like the culmination of a plot that is inconceivable except with the highest level of authorisation. Unfortunately, the hasty and badly written report of the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Mr Ibrahim Idris (which was leaked to the media) failed to address salient questions because it relied on the interrogation of just one actor: the dismissed Director of the DSS, Mr Lawal Daura.

While we remain disinterested in the cynical politics of decamping and defection that makes our country slightly less than a banana republic at every election cycle, we are nonetheless worried by the growing abuse of institutions. It is interesting that the police, whose IGP was asked to probe the National Assembly invasion, was also complicit in the recent farcical drama in the Benue State House of Assembly where eight members were allowed into the chambers for a kangaroo session after which a notice of impeachment was served on the governor, following his defection from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Beyond relieving Daura of his job as the Director General of DSS, the presidency should go one step further. A thorough public investigation is in order and in fact imperative, otherwise the sacking would amount to a populist cover up. While the public may have been given what they expect in such situation, the origin of the travesty would remain untouched and unchallenged, if no further action is taken to unravel what exactly happened. Nor should we look at this invasion in isolation given the growing recourse to self-help by operatives of this government.

In recent months, there have been police barricades of homes of key National Assembly officials; there was a dubious broad daylight carting away of the Mace of the Senate right inside the chambers; there were choreographed trials and house searches and a lopsided anti-corruption investigation of mostly opposition political big wigs. In all this, key institutions of state and national security like the police, the DSS and Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) have acted in openly disgraceful and partisan ways.

Taken together, therefore, these acts of executive intimidation and abuse of institutions smell of a creeping authoritarianism. It is, for instance, that the president must be more aware of these deviant acts. The system of government that we practice does not allow the person at the helm the luxury of ignorance in matters of grave national security. The president must retake his authority and ensure we do not use or misuse criminal law and national security to settle political scores.

What President Muhammadu Buhari and his handlers must understand is that, for a leader who has benefited greatly from democracy despite his military background, Nigerians expect from him a higher commitment to the rule of law and respect for separation of powers checks and balances and the sanctity of the critical institutions of state.

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Whatever the excesses or missteps of the senators and members of the House of Representatives or their presiding officers, the hallowed precinct of the National Assembly remains an embodiment of the will of all Nigerians who elected them

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THE 17,000 MISSING NIGERIANS

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  • The authorities must treat the ICRC report with all seriousness

The report last week by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) detailing how no fewer than 17,000 Nigerians were missing is quite disturbing. Tagged “Facts and Figures Report: January to June 2018”, the report attributed the unfortunate development to rampant incidents of the Boko Haram insurgency and other sundry acts of violence in various parts of the country. Recalling how the country witnessed increased cases of violence in states such as Benue, Kaduna, Nasarawa, Plateau and Taraba since January this year, the group reported that such violent acts claimed and injured several lives, thus forcing thousands of others to flee their homes and take refuge in makeshift camps.

More disturbing is that of the 17,000 individuals that are reportedly missing, over 7,100 of them are children. “In the North-east, where the armed conflict is now in its ninth year, violence continues to claim civilian lives and destroy property. Hundreds of thousands of the displaced persons still live in overcrowded camps in the regional centres and depend almost entirely on humanitarian assistance”, according to the ICRC report.

We must commend the ICRC for helping to draw attention to the people within our various communities whose whereabouts remain unknown. For the affected families, living through the ordeal of having a relation missing can be a most traumatic experience. And at a time the nation is grappling with the challenge of human trafficking, it is worrisome that many Nigerians are leaving their homes and workplaces without coming back. Available records indeed reveal that while some missing persons have been found after some days, weeks or months, sometimes in locations far away from home, others are never found, thus prolonging the anxiety of their family members who would forever wonder whether they are dead or still alive.

However, we must express our disappointment with the seeming indifference from Nigerian authorities to such a disturbing revelation of this magnitude. It only underscores the current trend in Nigeria where little or no value is placed on human life. There is no country in the world whose authorities place premium on the lives of its citizens that will hear that 17,000 persons are declared missing without losing sleep. Yet, we are sure the number is actually higher.

Meanwhile, the humanitarian and human rights crisis resulting from activities of criminal gangs, insurgents, political unrest, communal and religious conflict, kidnappings, have continued to pose challenges to government at all levels in Nigeria. Many of these activities have led to some senseless killings with monumental casualties among the civil populace aside the forced displacement and disappearance of people leading to numerous cases of unaccounted and missing persons. In addition, there are hundreds of unknown victims lying in our mortuaries, hospitals and detention centres while their relatives continue to search for them.

Against this backdrop, we challenge both the federal and state governments not to treat this ICRC report with levity. We enjoin the authorities at all levels to deploy relevant forces in collaboration with the Red Cross with a view to finding these missing Nigerians and reuniting them with their families. Doing so will not only save several families the ordeal of missing their loved ones, it will also be in compliance with Section 14(2) of the constitution that the security and welfare of citizens shall be the primary responsibilities of government.

About two years ago, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), in collaboration with other ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) and civil society organisations, commenced the process for the establishment and management of missing persons’ database. We hope the idea has not been jettisoned. It is important for families to know the fate and whereabouts of their missing relatives, if only to ensure a much-needed closure.

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FUNDING THE 2019 ELECTION

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The National Assembly should rise above partisanship as they deliberate on the INEC budget

As the National Assembly suspends its two-month recess for Wednesday’s emergency meeting to consider the budget for the 2019 election, the crucial questions being mulled over by many are: will they rise above the fray? Will they tackle the problem expeditiously?
These are hardly comforting questions. President Muhammadu Buhari had written to the National Assembly before he travelled for vacation to consider a supplementary budget to the tune of N242b for the conduct of the 2019 general election. According to the president, N164b would be vired from the N578b the legislators had ear-marked for constituency projects in the 2018 budget while the balance of N78b, made up of mostly personnel allowances, fuelling and related expenses would be provided for in the yet to be prepared 2019 budget.

Indeed, while signing the 2018 budget on June 20, President Buhari raised the alarm that the lawmakers had tampered with the financial document. The framing of the letter on the supplementary budget by the president was a poignant reminder that the executive has not forgotten nor given in on the “insertions” in the budget, an indication that the fractious war between the executive and the legislators is still very much alive.

Aside the recent blockade of some members from accessing the National Assembly by goons from the Directorate of State Services (DSS), an event many interpreted as a gradual relapse into authoritarianism, the stance of the executive on constituency projects will likely make negotiations far harder on an issue of urgent and major significance to the polity. Besides the N164b virement proposal on the election, the president wanted an additional N65b deducted from the amount for constituency projects because of “fiscal constraints.”

Against the background of the acrimony in the polity, several pertinent questions persist: Was there some form of discussion and agreement with the leadership of the National Assembly on this proposal? Given the long catalogue of disagreements between the two, why is the president so sure that the National Assembly will buy into this proposal? What happens if the parliament turns down the proposal? Perhaps, some more fundamental questions: why is the budget for the 2019 election just being sent some few months to the election? Why were the provisions not made in the 2018 budget?

Indeed, the main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), like many others, is rightly concerned about the implications of all this for the polity. The party said that the request by the president was a booby trap deliberately set to drag the elections into a financial controversy and ultimately subvert the entire democratic process. Already, a worried INEC is raising concerns about the delayed funding which could affect its preparation for the elections. “As you know, our procurement process is very cumbersome and to make procurement, it may take up to four months and this may affect what we are doing at INEC,” said one its officials last week. The 2019 general election is less than 200 days away.

There are other worrying issues. The legal framework for the election is still pending as the president is yet to assent to the Electoral Amendment Bill 2018 sent to him since June 25. The electoral commission is winding down the registration of voters this week, even as some 17 million people reportedly were yet to collect their permanent voter cards (PVCs). What’s the essence of the registration if the cards will be abandoned?

There are so many issues to deal with by INEC and other critical stakeholders as we move into the electioneering season. But the most important at this point is for the National Assembly to rise above partisanship as they deliberate on President Buhari’s request on Wednesday.

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Again, Buhari Declines Assent to Electoral Act Amendment Bill

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•Use of card reader in jeopardy
•Presidency explains action today
•Appeal Court halts arrest of INEC chairman

Alex Enumah in Abuja

President Muhammadu Buhari has again vetoed the Electoral Act Amendment Bill 2018, citing drafting issues, which he said might affect the interpretation and application of the principal act.

According to the president in separate communications to the President of the Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki, and the Speaker of House of Representatives, Hon. Yakubu Dogara, cited by THISDAY, some of the provisions of the bill would adversely affect the operations of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The president was, however, vague about the offensive provisions even as the veto meant a rejection of the use of electronic card readers for the conduct of the 2019 general election, which many political analysts said would make the nation’s electoral process cleaner.

This is the second time the president would be vetoing alterations to the electoral law.
The Senior Special Assistant to the President on National Assembly Matters, Senator Ita Enang, however, confirmed to THISDAY on phone last night that his boss declined assent to the second amendment bill for stated reasons, adding, however, that a third bill on the same subject that was passed on July 24, 2018, was pending before the president.
“I will make a clear statement on it tomorrow,” he said.

Buhari had in March this year rejected the amendment to the electoral law, which altered the sequence of elections placing the National Assembly election first, followed by presidential election while governorship and state Houses of Assembly elections would hold last.
“Section 25 of the principal act, may infringe upon the constitutionally guaranteed discretion of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to organise, undertake and supervise elections provided in Section 15(A) of the third statue to the Constitution;” he had said.
The Court of Appeal, however, ruled earlier in the month that the National Assembly has constitutional powers to order the sequence of election.

Ironically, the rejection of the bill would now render useless and inapplicable, the president’s provisioning for purchase and upgrading of new electronic card readers for the INEC as part of the N242 billion 2019 election budget.
The Supreme Court had ruled that while the card reader and other electronic devise would enhance the transparency of the electoral system, it was, however, not part of the electoral law.

It was in an attempt to legalise the devise that the federal legislature decided to codify and include it in the electoral law.
“We see this as not only disingenuous but hypocritical for a president who won election following introduction of card readers but has now turned around to reject it. What is he (Buhari) afraid of,” a ranking lawmaker said out of frustration Monday.

“Remember, he rejected the first bill because of sequence of election. We then decided to remove it from the bill and all other concerns the president raised, and we sent the bill with the hope that he will sign it since these concerns have been addressed,” he said.

Appeal Court Halts Arrest of INEC Chairman

In a related development, the Court of Appeal, Abuja Division has ordered a stay of execution of the warrant of arrest on Chairman of INEC, Prof. Mahmoud Yakubu, pending the determination of his appeal.
Justice Stephen Pam of the Federal High Court in Abuja, had on August 1, 2018, ordered for the arrest of Yakubu, following his absence in court on three different occasions, to show cause why he should not be committed to prison over his alleged disobedience to the order of the court.

Justice Pam, also in a short ruling on August 8, reaffirmed the order, when Yakubu on the last adjourned date failed to show up.
His counsel, Chief Adegboyega Awomolo (SAN), had informed the court that Yakubu was not in court as a result of the appeals he filed at the appellate court challenging the court’s jurisdiction to entertain the contempt charge, the legality of the charge as well as the arrest order.

The INEC chief in the notice of appeal claimed that Justice Pam acted in bad faith in the issuance of the arrest order because he had already filed a pending appeal against the order and the attention of the judge drawn to the appeal.

When the matter came up yesterday, counsel to the INEC chief, told the court that he had filed an application challenging the judgment of the lower court as well as its jurisdiction to hear the matter, adding that the application was supported by a further affidavit dated August 10, praying for the appellate court to make five orders in favour of his client.
Awomolo said if the appeal was not heard by the time the court would be sitting in September, his client would have been sent to prison, adding that the lower court was bent on sending Yakubu to jail.

However, counsel to the respondents, Mr. Goddy Uche (SAN), insisted that the trial was yet to reach the stage where Yakubu could be jailed, adding that what the trial court was asking for was for the INEC chief to appear in court to show cause why he should not be committed to prison.
He said the trial judge had been unable to deliver his ruling on the contempt charge because of Yakubu’s continued absence in court.

However, the trial could not proceed further, following the court’s decision to avoid going into the substantive matter.
The three-man panel of the court of appeal, presided over by Justice Abdu Aboki, held that it would be better for the court to take the appeal and the substantive suit together.

The court in the meantime then ordered for a stay of execution of the warrant of arrest on Yakubu as well as a stay of proceedings of the matter at the trial court.
The court in a short ruling held that hearing of the appeal could not go on without delving into the main suit, adding that parties were yet to file their brief of argument.
The matter was, therefore, adjourned till September 17, 2018 for the hearing of the appeal and the substantive suit.

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A’Ibom Targets 2,000 Public Schools for Renovation

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Okon Bassey in Uyo

Akwa Ibom state government says it has renovated more than 200 public schools across the 31 local government areas of the state in the last three years.

The State Commissioner for Information and Strategies, Mr. Charles Udoh disclosed this while appearing on news generating platform of the correspondent Chapel of Nigerian Union of Journalist (NUJ), to explain the activities of the state government.

He said the decision of government to embark on aggressive building of schools across the state was to discourage the proliferation of sub- standard private schools, adding that the Governor, Mr. Udom Emmanuel has a target of renovating about 2, 000 public schools before the end of his first team.

Udoh maintained that another 200 public schools were on-going in a phased programme meant to restore the glory days of public schools in the state.

“The renovation of public schools in the state would be done as emphasis is also being paid to the quality of teaching and teachers in the system, ” he said while assuring that the on-going transformation in public schools across the state will visit as many schools as the state’s resources can carry.

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THE NIGERIAN PRESS COUNCIL BILL

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The bill is an unnecessary interference

We join the Nigerian Press Organisation (NPO) and the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria (BON) in vehemently rejecting the proposed Nigerian Press Council Bill 2018 as an unconstitutional piece of legislation meant to muzzle free speech. After a careful perusal of the provisions of the proposed bill in the context of its implications for free speech, press freedom, media independence and safety of journalists, the NPO has dismissed it as an unnecessary interference. Since there are already sufficient laws in the statute books for any legal redress for aggrieved persons, we agree that this is a needless bill.

Sponsored by the Senate, the NPC 2018, which has gone through second reading, seeks to repeal the Nigerian Press Council Act of 1992 and create an oversight body that will regulate media practice in Nigeria. But already there is a groundswell of opposition from the media stakeholders against the bill. Aside the NPO and BON, the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), the Newspaper Proprietors’ Association of Nigeria (NPAN) and the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE) voiced their objection to the bill they perceive as a smokescreen to curb their role as the watchdog and limit their ability to hold the organs of government accountable.

There are also legal matters that are being ignored. The proposed bill is unconstitutional as it runs against the principles and tenets of the rule of law. Besides, the proposed bill is also sub judice, given that a case on the subject matter is still pending at the Supreme Court. “That the bill is, for all intents and purposes, draconian and anti-press freedom, being an amalgamation of the obnoxious Public Officers (Protection Against False Accusation) Decree No. 4 of 1984 and Newspapers Registration Decree 43 of 1993, both vestiges of the dark days of military rule and, therefore, incurably and irreparably bad, being also inconsistent with values of our democratic society,” the NPO statement said.

One of the most annoying provisions in the proposed bill is the attempt to criminalise professional conduct by jailing journalists found to have breached the code, rather than discipline them in line with the ethical codes of the profession. The federal government is also accused of overtly scheming to dominate the composition of the NPC by nominating the chairman, secretary, in addition to the council representatives from BON, the Federal Ministry of Information and other professional bodies. The lopsidedness that will arise from that composition where government appointees will outnumber media stakeholders was, indeed, one of the grounds for the legal proceedings instituted against the federal government by the NPO as the proposed bill contradicts section 22 of the 1999 Constitution. It runs against the grain of logic that the government is scheming through the backdoor to regulate the same gatekeepers that ought to keep public officials on their toes and hold them to account.

We align ourselves with the position of the NPO and indeed wonder when it has become the duty of government to regulate the media by sponsoring draconian, unconstitutional, anti-people and anti-free speech bill. While we agree that there is no freedom without responsibility, our opposition to the NPC bill stems from the fact that it will create undue interference in the operations of the media in Nigeria. In addition we believe that self-regulation subject to the existing laws of the land is the best guarantee for media freedom in a democratic society. Therefore, making government enforce codes and standards for all journalists under whatever guise will subjugate their autonomy. We urge the National Assembly to throw away the NPO Bill.

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Tech-U Emerges First Technical Varsity

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Following the passage into law of a recent amendment to the 2012 Law setting up the Technical University, Ibadan by the Oyo State House of Assembly, the university has now been renamed the first Technical University, Ibadan (Tech-U).

The amendment however does not in any way affect the current status of the institution as a wholly public-owned university.

The Spokesperson of the institution, Mr. Femi Babatunde in a statement said being Nigeria’s pioneer technical university, the addition of the word ‘first’ to the former rendering of the university’s name is deemed necessary to reassert its unique leadership position in the nation’s tertiary education space and beyond.

The statement reads in part; “ the recent amendment provides legal authority for Tech-U to receive grants and to enter into partnerships with public or private sources, other than the Oyo State government.

“Consequently, Tech-U may now solicit and invite private partners to invest in the university, its programmes and objectives.”

The management of the institution reassures the public that the name-change willl not compromise its avowed commitment to running a unique university committed to producing relevant researches and nurturing graduates equipped with adequate technical skills for societal transformation.

“Prospective investors are therefore free to approach the university management wherever they are willing to come in..”

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WASSCE 2018 Excellent Performance Confirms Caleb’s Standard

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The Proprietor of Caleb British International School, Lekki, Lagos, Dr. Ola Adebogun has described the 100 per cent the school recorded in the recently released West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) results as a confirmation of its commitment to high standard of education.

Adebogun, who said this recently during the school’s 2018 valedictory service for outgoing students, stressed that the 100 per cent the students recorded in Further Mathematics, Financial Accounting, French and Yoruba and distinctions in English Language, Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, Biology and other subjects confirmed the school’s core objective of ensuring the production of quality students that would contribute positively to national growth.

He said the feat was achieved with the concerted efforts of both the academic and non-academic staff of the school who were committed not only to the educational development and well-being of the students, but also the production of quality manpower and capacity building for national advancement.

Adebogun, who appraised the achievements of the school since its take-off in 1986, said its enviable record was a step in the right direction, attributing the achievements to the quality of staff and facilities in the school.

Adebogun further disclosed that the school has made continuous professional development mandatory for the staff to ensure that they consistently work hard to remain relevant to the system as well as engineering the culture of encouraging the students to aspire to greater heights and be agents of change in the society.

The Director/CEO, Caleb Group of Schools explained that the beauty of the 100 per cent results was the fact that since the establishment of the school, it had always recorded 100 per cent success in all external examinations and inter-school competitions like debate, quiz, essay writings, etc.

He commended the students for making him proud with their consistency of excellent performance in all WAEC and Cambridge conducted examinations.

The visitor to Caleb University, Imota, Lagos assured parents, students and the Nigerian academic community that Caleb British International School would continue to strive hard to sustain its record of excellence in view of the school’s array of facilities, which include halls of residence for students, location in a serene and conducive environment for learning with highly qualified and committed members of staff, well-equipped laboratories, well-ventilated classrooms, digital library and internet facility, among others.

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FALLEN SOLDIERS AND SECRET BURIALS

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Soldiers who die fighting so that we may live deserve decent burials

While the Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG) group recently accused the military of secretly burying soldiers killed by Boko Haram insurgents on the battlefield, the response from the military authorities has, to say the least, been disappointing. For many years, Nigerian soldiers who died in peacekeeping operations abroad were usually brought back home under the cover of darkness and buried secretly like paupers, sometimes without the knowledge of their kith and kin. The practice started with the Liberian civil war when the military regime in power was scared of any controversy arising from possible protests against the arrival of body bags from the West African country where Nigerian troops formed the bulk of the ECOMOG, the peacekeeping force in Liberia.

In fact, a former ECOMOG Commander, the late General Victor Malu, once admitted that he ordered the secret burial of some 800 dead Nigerian soldiers killed in Liberia, saying he did so “in order to avoid national uproar and panic.” There was no further statement as to whether the families of the dead soldiers ever got to know of how and when their loved ones died. This was a gross disservice to the memories of those who put their lives on the line in the service of their country.

Seven years ago, former Senate President David Mark condemned the practice of secret burials for Nigerian soldiers. Speaking after he was decorated with the 2011 emblem of the Armed Forces Remembrance Day in Abuja, Mark, himself a retired military officer, declared: “If not for anything else, they (the fallen soldiers) deserve national honours,” adding that “Those who die in wars or peacekeeping missions are heroes that must be celebrated.”

As we have had course to point out in the past, no country has more soldiers dying in wars or peace missions in foreign countries than the United States of America. From the First and Second World Wars to the Korean and Vietnam Wars, up to the contemporary battles in Iraq and Afghanistan, there had been no instance where America’s dead soldiers were buried secretly without their families’ knowledge. All the dead bodies were usually accounted for, and taken home to the United States draped in the national flag, for interment or in certain cases buried in American military cemeteries abroad.

However, in all cases, families of the dead soldiers are informed about the fate of their loved ones. Those who wish to have a private burial for their dead family member are usually considered under certain conditions. Even up till today, the Quartermaster General of the United States Armed Forces still receives and responds to enquiries from families regarding their sons and daughters who could not be accounted for or were listed as missing in action (MIAs). Only recently, the North Korean authorities returned the remains of some American soldiers who died during the 1950 Korean War for heroic burials.

The implication here is that America accords maximum respect to the men and women who wear the uniform of its armed forces. This explains why every American soldier is ever willing and proud to die in defence of the national flag. It is the same with most countries where premium is placed on the lives of those who not only serve but are also willing to stake their lives in promotion of the ideals for which their nation stood.

There is therefore no reason why this should not be the same here in Nigeria. The men and women who answer the call for national assignment in the form of peacekeeping should be treated as the heroes they truly are. They deserve decent burial. We therefore urge the authorities to ensure that all Nigerian dead soldiers buried secretly without their families’ knowledge be exhumed and reburied accordingly and with honours. They deserve nothing less.

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TRIBUTE: Aretha Franklin Had Power. Did We Truly Respect It?

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Aretha Franklin turned Otis Redding’s plea into the most empowering popular recording ever made.

Officially, “Respect” is a relationship song. That’s how Otis Redding wrote it. But love wasn’t what Aretha Franklin was interested in. The opening line is “What you want, baby, I got it.” But her “what” is a punch in the face. So Ms. Franklin’s rearrangement was about power. She had the right to be respected — by some dude, perhaps by her country. Just a little bit. What did love have to do with that?

Depending on the house you grew up in and how old you are, “Respect” is probably a song you learned early. The spelling lesson toward the end helps. So do the turret blasts of “sock it to me” that show up here and there. But, really, the reason you learn “Respect” is the way “Respect” is sung. Redding made it a burning plea. Ms. Franklin turned the plea into the most empowering popular recording ever made.

Ms. Franklin died yesterday, at 76, which means “Respect” is going to be an even more prominent part of your life than usual. The next time you hear it, notice what you do with your hands. They’re going to point — at a person, a car or a carrot. They’ll rest on your hips. Your neck might roll. Your waist will do a thing. You’ll snarl. Odds are high that you’ll feel better than great. You’re guaranteed to feel indestructible.

Ms. Franklin’s respect lasts for two minutes and 28 seconds. That’s all — basically a round of boxing. Nothing that’s over so soon should give you that much strength. But that was Aretha Franklin: a quick trip to the emotional gym. Obviously, she was far more than that. We’re never going to have an artist with a career as long, absurdly bountiful, nourishing and constantly surprising as hers. We’re unlikely to see another superstar as abundantly steeped in real self-confidence — at so many different stages of life, in as many musical genres.

That self-confidence wasn’t evident only in the purses and perms and headdresses and floor-length furs; the buckets and buckets of great recordings; the famous demand that she always be paid before a show, in cash; or the Queen of Soul business — the stuff that keeps her monotonously synonymous with “diva.” It was there in whatever kept her from stopping and continuing to knock us dead. To paraphrase one of Ms. Franklin’s many (many) musical progeny: She slayed. “Respect” became an anthem for us, because it seemed like an anthem for her.

Most Americans had never heard anything quite as dependably great and shockingly big as Ms. Franklin’s voice.

The song owned the summer of 1967. It arrived amid what must have seemed like never-ending turmoil — race riots, political assassinations, the Vietnam draft. Muhammad Ali had been stripped of his championship title for refusing to serve in the war. So amid all this upheaval comes a singer from Detroit who’d been around most of the decade doing solid gospel R&B work. But there was something about this black woman’s asserting herself that seemed like a call to national arms. It wasn’t a polite song. It was hard. It was deliberate. It was sure. And that all came from Ms. Franklin — her rumbling, twanging, compartmentalized arrangement. It came, of course, from her singing.

Because lots of major pop stars now have great, big voices, maybe it’s easy to forget that most Americans had never heard anything quite as dependably great and shockingly big as Ms. Franklin’s. The reason we have watched “Showtime at the Apollo” or “American Idol” or “The Voice” is out of some desperate hope that somebody walks out there and sounds like Aretha. She established a standard for artistic vocal excellence, and it will outlast us all.

She, along with Sam Cooke, Ray Charles, Otis Redding, Tina Turner and Patti LaBelle, changed where the stress fell in popular singing. Now you could glean a story from lyrics but also hear it in the tone of the singer’s voice — agony, ecstasy and everything beyond and in between. Roots, soil, pavement on one hand, the stratosphere on the other.

I know. That does just sound like the art of singing. But when gospel left the church and entered the body — the black body — we called that soul. And a good soul artist could make singing for sex sound like she was singing for God. They call that secular music. But it just repositioned what else could be holy. Almost nobody — and even then, maybe just Ray Charles — did as much toggling between and conflating of the religious and the randy with as much sincere athletic imagination and humor and swagger as Ms. Franklin.

“Dr. Feelgood (Love Is a Serious Business)”, the hit from 1967 that she co-wrote, never fails to chill, arouse and amuse. Ms. Franklin performs it with a mix of exasperation and smoldering anticipation. That song’s never sounded better or more theatrical than it does on “Aretha Live at Fillmore West,” from 1971. Its structural brilliance is that there’s no robust chorus or melody, just Ms. Franklin, her piano, a blues groove and her mood. She wants a friend to get going so she can have sex with her man. But who’s been shown the door with this much flair?

The song starts, “I don’t want nobody always sitting around me and my man.” You could bake a pie in the pause between “nobody” and “always.” And when she gets to “sitting,” she takes a deep, five-second drag on the “s” so that it sounds less like a consonant and more like a lit fuse. The remaining six and a half minutes put you in exhilarated suspense over when her top’s gonna blow.

Almost nobody was able to switch between the religious and the randy with as much sincere imagination and humor as Ms. Franklin.

There are so many things to love about this performance: its sexiness, its playfulness, its resolve, all the space in the arrangement for Ms. Franklin’s singing to stay low until it takes off high, the way that once she finally connects with Dr. Feelgood himself, the crowd audibly connects with the song or, really, just more deeply connects, since people had been shouting stuff like, “Sing it, Aretha!” between her pauses. You can feel in that moment the hold Ms. Franklin had over anybody who ever saw — or heard — her sing. She worked with bottomless reserves of swagger.

We tend not to think of Ms. Franklin that way — as an artist of bravado and nerve and daring, as a woman with swagger. We tend not to think of her this way even though nearly every song she sang brimmed over with it. (She sang about taking care of business — the old “tcb” — and, consequently, having her business taken care of, as much as she sang about respect.) Swagger we left to the Elvis Presleys and James Browns and Mick Jaggers. But “swagger” is the only word for, say, her approach to the music of other artists.

It didn’t matter whether it was a Negro spiritual or something by the Beatles. It was all wet clay to her. The Supremes, Frank Sinatra, Leonard Cohen, Adele, Simon and Garfunkel, James Taylor, ? and the Mysterians, C & C Music Factory: She oversaw more gut renovations than a general contractor. In 1979, she took the occasion of B.B. King’s “The Thrill Is Gone” to allow her backing singer to exclaim that she (and they) were “free at last.” Toward the end of her funked-up, very fun version of Sam & Dave’s “Hold On, I’m Comin’,” from the 1981 album “Love All the Hurt Away,” she tossed in some “beep-beeps” and a couple of lines from “Little Jack Horner” because she knew she could make it work.

If good soul music is like good barbecue — slow cooked, falls off the bone — by the 1980s, she’d become a pit master, yelping and barking and wailing, but also talking in songs, sermonizing. You know the char and gristle, the bits of sugar and salt and fat on, say, a perfectly done slab of ribs? Most of this woman’s songs were blackened that way. Yet if Ms. Franklin told you she was going to take a classic R&B song and throw in a little nursery rhyme, you’d be nervous. Did 1986 really need a cover of “Jumpin’ Jack Flash?” Probably not. But she did it anyway — and robustly — and threw in a “hallelujah” while she was at it.

But, by that point, Ms. Franklin seemed well on her way to becoming somebody who might have relished the culture’s doubt. She loved music too much to be vestigial or nostalgic or relegated. She wanted — you know, what she wanted. And eventually respect was tricky to come by. I, at least, remember sitting on my bed watching the 1998 Grammys and hearing that she’d be filling in for Luciano Pavarotti and rolling my eyes. Ms. Franklin knew. She went out there, sang some Puccini, and left the nation in shock. The Queen of Opera, too?

Is it possible that despite the milestones and piles of Grammys (the now-defunct female R&B vocal performance category seemed invented just for her; she won the first eight), despite famously having been crowned the greatest singer of all time in a vast Rolling Stone survey, despite being Aretha Franklin, the Greatest was also rather underrated — as a piano player, as an arranger (who had a greater imagination when it came to coloring a song with backing singers), as an album artist? Despite the world’s bereavement over her death, despite her having been less a household name and more a spiritual resident of our actual home, despite giving us soundtracks for loneliness, for lovemaking, for joy, for church, cookouts and bars, despite the induction ceremonies, medals and honorary degrees, despite her having been the only Aretha most of us have ever heard of, is it possible that we’ve taken her for granted, that in failing to make her president, a saint or her own country, we still might not have paid her enough respect? Just a little bit.

Culled from The New York Times

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A MAN WITH COURAGE OF HIS CONVICTIONS

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Mohammed Haruna pays tribute to Adamu Ciroma, elder statesman, administrator and man of character

A little over 16 years ago, on June 10, 2002 to be precise, I wrote a syndicated piece in the New Nigerian and The Country, the now rested weekly newspaper published by DER, in which I pleaded with Malam Adamu Ciroma, then the Galadima of Fika and President Olusegun Obasanjo’s Minister of Finance, to retire from public service. The title of the piece was “Time for the Galadima to bow out.” I wrote the piece because, like many of his admirers, I was worried that his political intimacy with President Obasanjo might cost him his hard-earned reputation as a man of honour, integrity and the courage of his convictions.

At the time there were widespread public perception, right or wrong, that Malam Adamu was more a cabinet minister in name than in reality because of the way the president executed many important financial decisions behind his back through the junior minister who, like the president, was Yoruba. Second, there was also the perception that the president regarded the North, which was Malam Adamu’s primary constituency, as hostile territory, if only because of the rising clamour for Shari’a in the region, something the president was opposed to.

Not least of all these was Obasanjo’s hostility to late Chief Sunday Awoniyi’s bid for the chairmanship of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) after late Chief Solomon Lar’s tenure as interim chair ended in late 2000. As everyone knew, Chief Awoniyi, a minority Northern Yoruba, and Christian to boot, was unapologetic about his Northerness which he rightly saw as not being necessarily in conflict with his unquestionable commitment to Nigeria’s unity.

Obasanjo’s ostensible reason for objecting to Awoniyi as PDP’s chair was that it was incongruous for a Yoruba man to lead the ruling party when another Yoruba was already president. But as even any political novice could see, Obasanjo didn’t want the man as chair of his party not because Awoniyi was Yoruba, but because as a man of firm convictions, Awoniyi was someone he could not easily use and dump. Besides, as a Northern Christian minority, Awoniyi’s chairmanship of the ruling party was bound to blunt the president’s use of identity politics as a political weapon to neuter the North which he perceived as hostile to his presidency.

To stop Awoniyi, money was used to buy delegates so brazenly at the party’s first post-election convention at Eagle Square, Abuja, that Malam Adamu, leading a number of Awoniyi’s friends and political associates, felt obliged to walk up to the Presidential box where Obasanjo was seated to protest the crude monetisation of the contest in favour of Obasanjo’s preferred candidate, Mr. Barnabas Gemade. Predictably, the president turned deaf ears to their protests. As we all know, the little fancied Gemade won the contest. This easily enabled Obasanjo to kill the party’s internal democracy which eventually led to its implosion ahead of the last general election in 2015, an implosion which ironically led to Obasanjo’s denunciation of the party and tearing his membership card in public before the election.

My concern that Malam Adamu’s political intimacy with Obasanjo could cost him his reputation worsened when he accepted to serve as the Coordinator of Obasanjo’s second term bid. Without doubt Obasanjo was the most globally connected of Nigeria’s leaders and arguably the hardest working and one of the most intelligent. He also had the good fortune of the highest oil windfall in Nigeria’s history. However, as his first term drew to an end it became apparent that he had failed disastrously to combine his good financial fortune with his virtues of global connections, hard work and intelligence to lay a solid economic foundation for Nigeria and point it in the right direction for development and national unity.

To be sure, I never believed Malam Adamu acceptance to serve under Obasanjo was for personal aggrandisement, gauging by his antecedents. By the time he became a close political associate of Obasanjo, he had served his region and the country as a senior civil servant, as editor and managing director of New Nigerian, as Governor of the Central Bank, and as Secretary General of the ruling party and minister during the Second Republic. In each and every one of them, he left a legacy of modest living, competence, courage and integrity.

The foundation of this legacy was, of course, his career at the now rested New Nigerian. That his experience at the New Nigerian was the defining period of his life became apparent when he served as an elected member of the 1977/78 Constituent Assembly (CA) under Obasanjo as military head of state. To date that CA has been the most qualitative in its composition and the most meticulous in the country’s history of constitution making, producing a constitution that, for better or worse, changed the country from parliamentary democracy to presidential.

As a young reporter who covered the CA for New Nigerian, I can testify to the fact that Malam Adamu played a prominent role in shaping that constitution. For example, ironic as it may seem for a former editor and managing director of one of the country’s most influential newspapers at the time, he led the opposition to inserting any special protection for the press in the constitution. There was, he said during a plenary session of the CA and in opposition to modern Nigeria’s most successful and influential journalist, Alhaji Babatunde Jose who was a nominated member of the CA, enough freedom for the press in the draft. In any case, he said, you fight for your rights not wait for them to be given to you. In the end his argument prevailed in the CA.

His forthright stance on the press at the CA reflected not only the way he edited and managed the New Nigerian. It also formed the guiding principle of his politics and public life.

Because his New Nigerian experience laid the foundation of his political career, half of my June 10, 2002 article appealing to him to retire from public service focused on his life as a journalist. Here’s a part reproduction of that article:

When Malam Turi Muhammadu, one-time editor and managing director of New Nigerian, decided several years ago to write the history of that once great newspaper, his working title was simply New Nigerian: The First 20 Years. Some of the people he got involved in the project thought the title was not catchy enough for the highly influential role the newspaper played in the affairs of the nation in those 20 years. As a result, several other options were considered. Eventually, the team settled for Courage and Conviction as the main title, with New Nigerian: The First 20 Years as the sub-title.

Anyone who had worked in the New Nigerian or who had been even a casual reader of the newspaper during those 20 years, will agree that those two words truly captured the essence and the spirit of the newspaper. It was a newspaper of strong convictions and on virtually each and every occasion it demonstrated the courage to stand up firmly and unequivocally for those convictions. As a result, in under two years it became the second largest circulating newspaper in the country, after the Daily Times under the much-respected late Alhaji Babatunde Jose. It also became second to none as the most influential newspaper. It was not for nothing that it was often described by its admirers and detractors alike as Nigeria’s Al-Ahram, after that great Egyptian newspaper which, under its great editor, the late Mohammad Heikal, was the Arab world’s greatest voice.

The man most credited with the rise of the New Nigerian was Malam Adamu Ciroma.

Malam Adamu came to the New Nigerian with absolutely no knowledge of newspapering. Before his appointment to the editorship of the paper, he was a civil servant, first in Kaduna and then in Lagos. As a civil servant, he was, of course, supposed to know how to manage people and his record showed he did. However, as he himself admitted in an interview for Malam Turi’s book, “I had no experience in newspaper production or editing”. In retrospect it can be said that what he lacked in journalism skills he more than made up with his management skill, his wit and his moral convictions.

As Charles Sharp, the expatriate managing director of the newspaper whom Malam Adamu served as editor and whom he succeeded as the first indigenous managing director said, “I was beginning to think we would never find the right man (for the job of editor) when someone said, I think it was Ahmed Joda, that the right man had come along. He was right. His name was Adamu Ciroma.”

According to Sharp, one John Smith, a close friend of his and a former colonial servant who had stayed on after independence, and someone whose judgment he trusted absolutely, thought highly of Malam Adamu. “A very clever chap.” Smith had reportedly said of Malam Adamu, “but a man with a mind of his own. One of the few who never toadied to the Premier, who he had a knack of upsetting. Has a tendency to wear European style clothes which was one of the things that upset the old man. I think you may well come to the conclusion that he was worth waiting for.”

“Once again, Smith’s judgment”, said Sharp, “turned out right on the mark.”

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THE NYSC TRAGEDY IN TARABA

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MONDAY EDITORIAL

The death of seven members of the NYSC is unsettling

The death recently in Taraba State of nine National Youth Service Corps members is a national tragedy. These corps members were among 22 others who went on a picnic when a sudden upsurge in River Mayo Selbe in the Gashaka local council of the state swept them away while they were swimming. As at today, seven bodies have been recovered while two more are still being searched for in what has become yet another misfortune for the NYSC scheme.

According to the Taraba State Police Commissioner, Mr. David Akinremi, the corps members were on a swimming expedition in River Mayo-Selbe, a major tributary of the Benue River, when a water surge from a nearby mountain collapsed and swept them into the massive river. Akinremi said that 14 corps members were initially washed away by the heavy gush, but five of them were rescued. Of the seven bodies that were recovered, two were female corpers, while the others were male. 

While no one is sure if there would be an investigation of any sort into the misfortune, it is however clear, as suggested by the police, that the river area should no longer be considered a safe picnic spot for members of the public, at least for the rest of the rainy season. But at a time when Nigeria still struggles to overcome the twin security problems of Boko Haram in the North East and senseless killings in Zamfara, Plateau, Benue and some other states across the country by armed bandits, we consider the death of the corps members a huge blow and a sad sign of how cheap life has become in Nigeria.

 

Even though the Taraba tragedy can be considered a natural disaster, the fact remains that today, life no longer matters in Nigeria. The country has descended so low in its valuation of human life such that the death of seven of her young graduates observing their mandatory national service did not seem to attract any outrage or even get citizensto raise pertinent questions. By its set up, the NYSC is mandated to provide and protect corps members enlisted into the scheme at every point in time of their service year. Yet, almost on annual basis, many corps members lose their lives for sundry reasons.

 In view of the worrying trend, we would like to point out that it is the responsibility of the NYSC to urgently address the frequent deaths of wards left in their care by parents and guardians, at least for the periods of their service year. We admit that some of the deaths recorded by the scheme over the years may be traceable to youthful exuberance on the part of the corps members, but the NYSC management should be more proactive in dealing with some of the challenges. The NYSC, for instance, has a mandate to rein in and checkmate the excesses of members of the corps in their own interests and that of the scheme.

 Established in 1973 as a vehicle for national integration among young citizens, the NYSC is fast losing its appeal, and this is basically traceable to the loose accountability system that has suddenly become its hallmark. But what is now most worrying is the frequency of death by members. From being killed on election duty to being murdered by the police, we cannot continue to operate a scheme that does not guarantee parents of the safety of their wards when they release them to serve their fatherland.

While we commiserate with the families of the deceased corps members, we hope the NYSC management will probe the circumstances surrounding their death while putting in place mechanism to ensure that such a tragedy never happens again.

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BEYOND THE RAM MEAT

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The festival offers another opportunity for a life of sacrifice, charity and love

The Eid al-Adha, better known as Eid-el-Kabir being marked today across the world is a festival that calls for rededication to the cause of mankind, to appreciate the gift of life and to imbibe the virtues of tolerance, understanding and good neighbourliness. This day, according to a scholar, is meant “to multiply good deeds by bringing happiness and pleasure to the hearts of other Muslims, by helping and supporting the poor and needy, and by getting involved in pastimes that emphasise the strong and serious Islamic character.”

Therefore, amid the traditional consumption of ram meat that is customary on a day such as this, it is important not to lose sight of the true meaning of this special occasion and the spirit of sacrifice it represents. Given the level of deprivation in the land, perhaps no period in our history offers better opportunity to share and to make sacrifice. The socio-economic conditions of the country this year makes it compelling for adherents of Islam and indeed all Nigerians to look beyond themselves and their immediate environment. That explains why the occasion should go beyond the slaughtering of rams to sharing love and material possessions not only with relatives or acquaintances, but also with the displaced, the elderly, the orphans and other people at the margin of the society, including those with special needs.

The lesson of Eid-el-Kabir is simple: by paying attention to the plight of the poor, we invariably place the welfare of our neighbours as important as ours; by allowing others to partake of our wealth or material possessions, we honour the One who made the provision in the first place. This happens to be at the heart of all religions, but a virtue that is particularly at the heart of this festival. It is also important that Nigerians begin to embrace and support charitable causes and there is no better occasion than today’s to make such resolve.

What particularly makes the festival significant is that it is rooted in the scriptural accounts of both Islam and Christianity about how Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham), in obedience to God was to sacrifice his son before divine intervention. Thus, the true meaning and essence of this occasion are: submission, obedience and love, virtues that are in short supply in our country today.

This year’s celebration, like in the past few years, is coming at a particularly difficult time for our nation. The temperature is uncomfortably high, fouled by acrimonies and recriminations between and among different ethnic groups and political parties, especially as we inch towards the 2019 general election. However, if we understand the fact that we are all creations of God, the propensity for hate on the basis of some artificial differences would reduce and we would relate more to one another with love and mutual respect. Tolerance across these artificial divides that our politicians have erected will foster harmony and promote peace and development in the country. It will also help the process of healing the deep wounds sparked off by politics and the manipulation of religion and ethnicity.

Against the background that there are usually challenges in the process of integrating members of any society into a cohesive social whole, what confronts us may not be particularly peculiar. But it will require all citizens working together if we are to resolve many of the ills that plague our nation. Therefore, as we celebrate this special festival, we must reflect on and imbibe the essence of sacrifice and humility for the promotion of harmonious relationship in our country. We also need to take this opportunity to reach out to everyone in promoting love, peace and unity.

We wish our Muslim readers Eid Mubarak.

The post BEYOND THE RAM MEAT appeared first on THISDAYLIVE.

THE PASSAGE OF KOFI ANNAN

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WEDNESDAY EDITORIAL

 Kofi Annan, former Secretary- General of the United Nations, dies at age 80

With the death last Saturday of Mr Kofi Annan, Africa has lost a major statesman, global ambassador and leading diplomat. In his tribute, current UN Secretary – General, Mr Antonio Guterres hailed Annan as “a guiding force for good” and a “proud son of Africa who became a global champion for peace and all humanity,” adding: “He provided people everywhere with a space for dialogue, a place for problem-solving and a path to a better world.  In these turbulent and trying times, he never stopped working to give life to the values of the United Nations Charter. His legacy will remain a true inspiration for us all.”

Born in Kumasi, Ghana, Annan read economics at Macalester College, International Relations from the Graduate Institute, Genevain Switzerland and management at Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), United States before he joined the UN in 1962, working for the World Health Organisation’s Geneva office. He went on to work in several capacities at the UN headquarters including serving as the Under-Secretary-General for peacekeeping between March 1992 and December 1996. He became the UN Secretary-General on 13th December 1996, making him the first office holder to be elected from the UN staff itself and the first black African. He was re-elected for a second term in 2001, and was succeeded as Secretary-General by Ban Ki-moon on 1 January 2007.

 It is instructive that Annan assumed the Office of the UN Secretary-General at a time when Africa’s position in the world body had become a moral burden. The appointment of the Egyptian, Boutros Ghali before him did not quite assuage the reservations of sub-Saharan Africa. It was Annan‘s appointment that reassured and challenged Africa to global responsibility which he discharged with outstanding surefootedness.

 Supported into office by the United States, Annan assumed the leadership of the UN at a critical point in recent world history. Rwanda was unravelling in open genocide. This was closely followed by the Kosovo crisis in former Yugoslavia. In both crises, Annan was in the eye of the storm. He was later to regret that in spite of his best judgments, he had in both situations made some tragic errors of judgment which may have contributed to the huge toll in human lives.

As the Secretary-General, Annan helped in no small measure to reform the UN bureaucracy and that earned him and the global institution a joint Nobel Prize for Peace. After the end of his term as UN Secretary-General, he founded the Kofi Annan Foundation in 2007 to work on international development. During the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria, Annan helped to broker one of the pre-election negotiations that culminated in a free and fair process and the acceptance of defeat by an incumbent president.

Annan brought to the office of UN Secretary General a certain cosmopolitan attitude and rock star popularity that endeared him to the New York diplomatic community and high society. He increased the popular appeal of the UN in the process. In spite of his closeness to Washington, he openly opposed the US invasion of Iraq in the second Gulf war, condemning it as brazen power mongering not based on solid intelligence or right international relations.  And despite close encounters with avoidable scandals involving UN humanitarian operations, Annan left office unblemished and returned to his country, Ghana, to establish and pursue his foundation and further global assignments.

 Without doubt, Annan has departed the stage as one of the most significant Africans of the century. His life and work should inspire future generations of African leaders and diplomats who seek a better world for all mankind.

 May his gentle soul find perfect peace.

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THE LAWLESSNESS OF A MINISTER

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The Sports Minister, Solomon Dalung, should be called to order

Shortly before the deadline given by the football world governing body for Nigeria to resolve the contrived leadership dispute in the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) expired on Monday, the federal government conveyed to FIFA a letter recognising Mr Amaju Pinnick as the authentic president. But while the letter sent from the office of Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo (then in his capacity as acting president) has received a positive but cautious response from FIFA, the Sports Minister, Mr Solomon Dalung, who in the first place instigated the whole crisis, countered the position of the government in another statement released on Tuesday.

According to Dalung, the crisis “cannot be solved with a temporary measure or scratched on the surface. The intervention of the vice-president should not be viewed as different from an attempt to abate an escalating situation.” The tongue-in-cheek press statement by the minister came after surreptitiously dispatching a counter letter to FIFA in the early hours of last Saturday. However, that would not be Dalung’s first public confrontation with colleagues and superior while his press statement is just another attempt at obfuscating his disregard for constituted authority. Besides, the statement conveys several untruths chief of which is that there is a Supreme Court verdict that ruled in favour of his preferred candidate in the NFF leadership tussle.

It says so much about discipline in the current administration that a presidential order would be publicly countered by a serving minister. Meanwhile, for the past two years, Dalung has been trying to use contrived court orders to install an interloper as the NFF President and in the process put our country to ridicule. And during the FIFA World Cup, he encouraged Mr Chris Giwa to forcefully take over the NFF secretariat while Pinnick was away in Russia for the tournament.

Since FIFA has always recognised Pinnick as the validly elected president of NFF, the action of Dalung was considered an act of interference by the federal government and a gross violation of the international football statutes to which Nigeria is a signatory. Associate members of FIFA cannot refer football matters to ordinary courts. Such matter can only be resolved via internal mechanism or in the worst case, through the Court of Arbitration for Sports (CAS) based in Switzerland.

It is instructive that Giwa lost at CAS and was banned from all football activities when he referred the matter for arbitration. Besides, FIFA actually annulled the election held on 26th August 2014 at Chida Hotel, Abuja which Giwa claimed he won. According to FIFA, the meeting was a non-elective congress to discuss the electoral template. It also said many of the delegates that assembled in Abuja were not the real football stakeholders as the real delegates were hounded on the eve of the election by security agents.

In part, the crisis has been allowed to fester due to the subterfuge and open support for the Giwa faction by both the current sports minister and his predecessor. But now that the matter has been resolved on the side of common sense, it is unfortunate that Dalung will still not allow peace to reign. Yet, at a period he is expected to be sufficiently contrite to seek genuine means of extricating Nigerian football from the damaging course he was bent on taking it, Dalung seems not to care if he pulls down the entire edifice to achieve his selfish goal of hijacking the NFF.

Now that another election is looming, chances are that Dalung would want to impose his will on who emerges from that process. That is why he must be stopped. There is no reason why such a lawless individual should remain a member of the Federal Executive Council.

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